Not only has the left-wing camp become more fragmented due to Péter Márki-Zay’s movement becoming an independent party, and the former leader of Jobbik founding a new movement, but it has also shrunk in terms of popular support.
‘We can only speak of civil disobedience if the perpetrator makes it public that they have consciously broken the penal code and accepted its ramifications. This is therefore not a legal, but a moral decision.’
According to a recent poll, the prime minister and the head of state are the most popular among young people in the country.
Protestors have been gathering on the streets of Budapest for days now, however, the turnout is not quite what they expected.
The rainbow coalition envisioned in the opposition party headquarters and progressive think tanks did not necessarily resonate with the wishes and expectations of the Hungarian voters.
It seems that the louder the international left fights for Hungarian ‘democracy’, the stronger the Fidesz governments the democracy in question elects.
Given their considerable numbers, Roma could be a decisive force in Hungarian politics, however, due to the fragmentation of their political leadership, in the last thirty years Roma representation has not left any significant mark on Hungarian public life.
How was it possible for the situation of Jews in the Western world to deteriorate to such an extent that one Jewish media outlet senses a return to the anti-Semitism of the 1930s? And what has been the reaction of the international left?
Albeit due to a low turnout the referendum was invalid, the overwhelming majority of those who cast valid votes supported the government’s position.
Hungarians’ decision in next month’s parliamentary elections to ensure Orbán another term is of vital importance not just for their economic and social stability, but for the rest of Europe, too.
Hungarian Conservative is a quarterly magazine on contemporary political, philosophical and cultural issues from a conservative perspective.